Sponsors of Yulia Tymoshenko: to whom and what will the future president of Ukraine owe?
For more than a year, she has been confidently leading the electoral rating of Ukrainian politicians, one and a half to two times ahead of her main competitors. And if the current Bankova’s team is not preparing some kind of “surprise”, then Tymoshenko has the greatest chances to become our new Guarantor. And this means that at the moment it is the most promising «political investment» in Ukraine. Those who will now finance her election campaign will be able to count on good dividends then.
What is exactly? It would seem that now only stubs and crumbs remain from the once huge pie of the Ukrainian economy. But still, at the disposal of the state there are a lot of “interesting” things that can be “debunked” and privatized. For example, the Odessa port plant, as well as the ammonia pipeline “Tolyatti-Odessa” leading to it, which is operated by the state-owned company “Ukrhimtransamiak”. Or even more delicious «Naftogaz», which unites 50% of «Ukrnafta» and ¾ the production of Ukrainian gas, «Ukrgazdobchu», and the manager of the GTS «Ukrtransgas».
And there is still a huge amount of state land (for construction) and agricultural plots that still belong to the villagers. Well, plus access to state tenders — and this is tens of billions of hryvnias annually. Or, there are persistent rumors that Kolomoisky wants to get back his “Privatbank”, but only without a debt of UAH 132 billion. And what he traditionally put on several candidates in this election, including Tymoshenko.
Dividends are also executive positions (governors, ministers, directors of state-owned companies) in which they put their people. Each shift at the top, at the level of the president and the prime minister, immediately leads to large-scale staff changes at the bottom. But they pay not only for purchasing, but also for keeping the existing one. There are a lot of officials and managers of state-owned enterprises in Ukraine who have been sitting in their places since the times of Yanukovich and even Yushchenko, and some of them are from Kuchma’s time! And not just sit, but «steal»! Simply, these people are able to negotiate with each new government, perhaps even during elections.
And in Ukraine there are two hundred oligarchs (these are only those who are included in the lists of magazines), seeking to preserve their “wealth by overworking” good. Here, for example, Dmitry Firtash wants very much to be left, finally, alone. And this desire in 2015 brought him closer to Yulia Tymoshenko — although they had previously been enemies, dividing the gas market of Ukraine between themselves.
But Firtash and Kolomoisky are a rare exception, they are already in favor with the current owners of Bankova, and therefore may not hide their sympathy for Tymoshenko and their readiness to support her election campaign. Other Ukrainian oligarchs are afraid to advertise their relationship with Yulia Vladimirovna, so as not to incur repression on the part of the Poroshenko team. So if one of them finances Tymoshenko now, he does it very, very secretly, often through nominees.
Did you give all your savings?
One of these fraudulent schemes of transferring money to the accounts of “Fatherland” was revealed last summer by the activists of the “Honestly” movement. By the way, behind this movement (its subdivision “Center UA”) is Oleg Rybachuk — at one time a person very close to Yushchenko, and even earlier he was an employee of Soviet foreign economic structures and, as the British press wrote, an agent of the GRU. It’s unknown for whom Rybachuk works today (it is rumored that he supports Gritsenko), but his activists are drowning Poroshenko’s team and Tymoshenko’s team.
It all started with the financial reporting of the parliamentary parties for 2017. It turned out that Ukrainians give “Fatherland” many times more than other parties: in that year it received UAH 7.223 million donations from individuals and 2.047 million from legal entities. For comparison: Poroshenko’s block received UAH 2.848 million from citizens, only 1.297 million from Oppoblok, and only about 6 thousand hryvnias were given to the “People’s Front”. Well, nothing, PF compensates for this annual subsidy from the budget in the amount of more than UAH 100 million! I wonder why so much people’s money is spent on the party, which is actually dead for a long time?
Since all these donations were not secret, but quite open, indicating all the data, the “Honestly” activists decided to take a closer look at the generous sponsors of “Fatherland”. First of all, their attention was attracted by the fact that many of these donors are ordinary Ukrainian pensioners, teachers and doctors, and 20 people are completely unemployed. That is, these people, barely making ends meet, according to the documents, transferred thousands of sums to the “Fatherland” accounts. Did they give up their savings? Or maybe they sold apartments and kidneys to support favorite Yulia Vladimirovna?
During the personal meetings, it turned out that none of the announced sponsors had transferred any money to “Fatherland”. Several pensioners simply did not have money, three more citizens were, though not relatively poor people, but were members of other political parties. That is, it was a typical arrangement of contributions and donations to nominees without their knowledge. By the way, this mechanism uses and PPB, only there donations (in the amounts of several thousand hryvnias) were drawn up for teachers.
However, for the “Fatherland” they noticed an open fictitious donation scheme: a bus pulls up to the bank branch, 15-20 pensioners leave it and go to transfer money to the account of the party of Yulia Tymoshenko. For these works grannies paid a hundred hryvnias.
You ask, why do they need all these frauds? It is very simple: for the maintenance of party offices, for the direct payment of television and radio broadcasting, and advertising, for the organization of conferences and conventions we need «clean money» from the official accounts of the party. Therefore, these accounts from time to time need to replenish. It’s just that the origin of this money cannot be “shined”, so it’s necessary to transfer them to accounts through fake donors.
Is Surkis in share?
A good example of why you should not once again advertise the names of the true sponsors of “Fatherland” is the story of Sergey Kladko from Zaporozhye. According to the official reporting of the party, in 20018 she received from Sergey Kladko three sponsorship fees for a total amount of UAH 234 thousand. He did not deny this, and in an interview with reporters he confirmed that he actually transferred the money to “Fatherland”. However, Kladko declined to answer the question of where did he get such big money.
He is not a pensioner, and not a teacher, but not an oligarch either. Kladko worked (now no longer) as deputy director for financial and economic security of “Zaporizhiaoblenergo”. That is, his official duty was to ensure that the money of the enterprise «did not spend and steal». It seems that he coped poorly with this duty: while he transferred to “Fatherland” his two annual salaries, “Zaporozhiaoblenergo” incurs losses and the company has nothing to pay its workers.
But there is another interesting thing: one of the main owners of “Zaporozhiaoblenergo” is the Surkis brothers. Recently, they have been in trouble with Igor Kononenko, Poroshenko’s closest friend and partner, including due to the redistribution of the energy market in the country in favor of the Poroshenko’s “family” and Akhmetov’s DTEK. What if the large donations of Kladko were in fact a “setup” from the Surkis who decided to negotiate with the future president?
Cashiers of “Fatherland”
And now about those who support Yulia Tymoshenko from their bins, not hiding at all. The title of the first cashier of “Fatherland” now, undoubtedly, belongs to Konstantin Bondarev — the head of the Kiev regional party organization since 2010, and one of the most loyal and close to Tymoshenko people.
In fact, he became a cashier for Yulia Vladimirovna as early as 2009-2010, when legal and shady financing of the Tymoshenko’s election campaign was carried out through his bank «Veles». The same thing happened in 2014. Then “Fatherland” also needed huge legal sums on their accounts, and they were quickly replenished with bags, and the workers of the election headquarters of the party were used as nominees.
“After Maidan, it was 2014 in the bank “Veles” I personally contributed more than 1.5 million with my family! But they didn’t give me cash, I just pushed the papers and that’s it. I think that rather there the money was simply transferred from offshore here to Ukraine, although we were not privy to details. These were tens of millions of hryvnias. Personally, I drove 5 or 6 people from the Brovary city organization and each listed 1.5 million — imagine how much money it is!”, — said the former head of the Brovary city organization “Fatherland”, Vladimir Opalko.
The receipt of money on the accounts of “Fatherland” was also associated with large-scale financial frauds carried out in “Veles” during 2013-2015 goals, after which it just burst. At the end, the NBU has covered “Veles” on operations for the withdrawal of foreign currency abroad in the amount of $ 460 million.
Bondarenko is also known as one of the “vodka kings” of the Kiev region, the raider-invader of the children’s sports school, in whose territory he built a cottage village with “floating saunas”, fraudulent schemes with VAT refund. And he is also called the most likely candidate for the post of governor of the Kiev region in the case of the victory of Yulia Tymoshenko.
Another sponsor Tymoshenko found herself … in Moldova. It is the oligarch and the head (actually the owner) of the Democratic Party of Moldova, Vlad Plakhotnyuk. At one time, they talked and wrote about him: Plakhotnyuk is connected with the “Solntsevsky” organized criminal group and Semyon Mogilevich (like Tymoshenko), Plakhotnyuk was the “gray cardinal” of president Voronin, Plahotniuc is an unofficial sponsor of Moldovan Communists, he was accused of ordering the murder of the Russian banker German Gorbuntsov. In general, a very colorful personality!
But the most interesting thing is that Plakhotnyuk is called a friend and business partner of Petro Poroshenko. They allegedly together own in Moldova the “Bucuria” confectionery factory, the glass factory and the Chisinau shopping and entertainment center “Gemenii”. Someone even remarked that if after the elections Petro Alekseevich needs to run away from Ukraine then he may well be “buried” in Moldova by Plakhotnyuk.
Therefore, the news that the Moldovan Democratic Party paid for the services of the lobbyist company “Podesta Group”, which arranged meetings with American politicians and political strategists for Tymoshenko, utterly surprised everyone. What is this — the journalistic «duck» or the strategy of the Moldovan oligarch, who has already written off his friend Petro from the accounts and is looking for friendship with the new Ukrainian president?
The list of foreign sponsors of Tymoshenko is complemented by an American businessman of Ukrainian origin, Alexander Kiselev, better known as Alex Rovt. They talked about their relationship in Ukraine in 2016, when Tymoshenko flew from Kiev to Kherson on a charter flight of the Gulfstream 215 / SX-TAJ aircraft owned by Rovt’s “IBE Ukraine” company. That visit of Tymoshenko was remembered by the Ukrainians because she showed off in front of all the new snakeskin shoes for 40 thousand euros.
However, the fact that Tymoshenko and Rovt are connected very much could be found back in 2012, when a lawsuit was under way in the United States on the suit of the “Universal Trading & Investment Co. Inc.” against Tymoshenko as the former head and owner of UESU. During the process of “Universal Trading & Investment Co. Inc.” then added a list of “agents of Yulia Tymoshenko”, including Alexander Rovt, along with her daughter Eugenia and offshore banker Mark Boldyrev.
What does Rovt want from Tymoshenko? In Ukraine, he is interested in only one business — the production of mineral fertilizers. In it, Rovt is closely associated with Firtash (in 2011, he sold his Severodonetsk “Azot” to him), and it is possible that they put on Tymoshenko together.
But what is their plan? A profitable chemical business in Ukraine is possible only if there is cheap gas, and you can “find” it only in two ways: lower the price for Ukrainian (and give it to the oligarchs) or ask for a discount on the Russian one — for example, in exchange for recognizing Crimea as Russian. Or will everything be limited to the supply of Russian ammonia (raw materials for nitrogen fertilizers) to Odessa priportovy, which will be sold to Rovt or Firtash? There are many options, but in each of them only oligarchs wins.